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Yet the criteria for BPD are vague: for example, inappropriate anger, marked reactivity of mood, markedly unstable self-image It is left to therapists to judge whether clients behavior reaches the threshold for diagnosis Also, the symptoms overlap with the symptoms of other disorders A diagnosis of BPD is often mistakenly given to women who have experienced sexual or physical abuse and who should be diagnosed as suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (Herman, 1992) This diagnostic error prevents women from receiving appropriate treatment Apart from formal diagnoses, therapists continually make judgments in the course of treatment: They set goals for therapy, they evaluate clients progress, and they specify what is healthy functioning for individuals, couples, and families Feminists have investigated how gender meanings and ethnic and class differences in ect these judgments.

Judgments about healthy sexual functioning, for example, rest on the theory of the Human Sexual Response Cycle put forward by Masters and Johnson in 1966 Indeed, the DSM diagnostic categories of sexual dysfunction, though purportedly atheoretical, rest on this implicit foundation As Leonore Tiefer (1995) has shown, this theory privileges forms of sexual behavior preferred by men and overlooks or trivializes many sources of pleasure that women say are important Also, counselors and therapists who work with clients from impoverished backgrounds may unwittingly presume that such individuals have access to resources for coping and to avenues of judicial redress that in fact are limited to af uent and white members of society (Fine, 1983) Some feminists have challenged de nitions of autonomy and its centrality as a criterion of mental health Autonomy may not be possible for individuals in subordinated positions.

Nor is it universally regarded as desirable; in many cultural groups, collective.

At the ecologically accommodating end of the passive-active continuum are personality adaptations that exhibit an excess of passivity Several personality patterns demonstrate this passive style, although their passivity derives from and is expressed in appreciably different ways (See Table 111 for all personality patterns explicated in this section) Accommodating (eg, dependent; Millon, 1996, pp 330 331) personalities, because of deficits in confidence, initiative, and autonomous skills, display a tendency to wait passively for others to provide nurturance, offer protection, and assume leadership Passivity among conscientious (eg, obsessive-compulsive; Millon, 1996, p 513) personalities stems from their aversion to acting independently because of intrapsychic resolutions they have made to quell troubling thoughts and emotions generated by their self-other ambivalence Ambitious (eg, narcissistic; Millon, 1996, pp.

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403 404) personalities presumptuously assume that they are unconditionally entitled to recognition and admiration and that good things will come their way with little or no effort on their part Retiring (eg, schizoid; Millon, 1996, pp 228 229) personalities are passive because of their relative incapacity to experience pleasure and pain Aggrieved (eg, self-defeating; Millon, 1996, p 584) personalities passively submit to others wishes; however, unlike the acquiescence of accommodating types, for aggrieved types submission to suffering represents a measure of personal control in that anguish is perceived as the most desirable alternative among the range of seemingly inescapable options available to them At the ecologically modifying end of the passive-active continuum are personality adaptations that exhibit an excess of activity Outgoing (eg, histrionic; Millon, 1996, p 366) personalities epitomize this tendency.

These individuals achieve their goals of maximizing protection, nurturance, and reproductive success by energetically engaging in a series of manipulative, seductive, and attention-getting maneuvers Approval and affection must constantly be replenished and are sought from every interpersonal source Susceptible to boredom and intolerant of inactivity, they evince a restless, stimulus-seeking quality as they keep stirring up things, fleetingly enthusiastic about one activity after another Ecological modification in dominant (eg, aggressive; Millon, 1996, pp 482 483) personalities is seen in the proactive manner in which they subjugate others (ie, impose pain) A similarly active polarity focus is seen in reticent (eg, avoidant; Millon, 1996, p 260) personalities The distinctive feature is the reticent personality s anticipatory escape from pain, which presents as a hypervigilant awareness and active avoidance of situations that portend failure, rejection, denigration, or humiliation Activity in contentious (eg.

, negativistic; Millon, 1996, pp 548 549) personalities is seen in a perpetual shifting.

5,000

(7) .4 (m x m). C companion matrix of PA(X) : (a) A is similar to C (b) A is similar to C' multiplicity 1.

The number of typical sequences for a DMS with equally likely symbols is equal to the maximum possible number of sequences that this source can emit. This has been a short introduction to the concept of data and information compression. However, the aim of this chapter is to introduce the main concepts of a technique called error-control coding, closely related to the Shannon channel coding (capacity) theorem.